Ontario’s solicitor general — the minister responsible for policing in the province — is declining to speak about the arrest of multiple officers during an organized crime investigation that is rocking law enforcement in and around Toronto.

A York Regional Police investigation into organized crime led to the arrest of seven Toronto police officers and has now spread to neighbouring Peel Regional Police, where three officers have been suspended.

Claims against the Toronto cops related to alleged corruption, leaking information to an organized crime group and bribery. The charges have not been proven in court.

Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow said Friday if the officers are guilty, they “deserve to be thrown in jail.” Premier Doug Ford said “bad actors” would be “held accountable.”

The man responsible for Ontario’s policing, however, has declined to comment on the scandal.

Global News approached Solicitor General Michael Kerzner’s office for a statement on Thursday and an interview on Friday. On both occasions, his staff declined, offering no comment on the police scandal.

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“Unfortunately, we are unable to accommodate this interview. The Premier was asked a number of questions about the matter this morning, and yesterday. Those comments stand as response from our government,” a spokesperson said in a brief statement.

They said questions should be directed to local police.

2:07
Ford, Chow weigh in on shocking Toronto police corruption investigation

As solicitor general, Kerzner is responsible for public security, law enforcement and policing in Ontario. His ministry enacted a major overhaul of police rules last year, including allowing for some officers to be suspended without pay.

Ontario Liberal MPP Karen McCrimmon said that Kerzner should come out and take questions on the arrests, addressing the organized crime investigation to reinforce public confidence.

“This is serious, this cuts right to the heart of the relationships between the people and the police,” she said.

“It’s his job to address these kinds of serious issues; otherwise, why bother having it? I think we need full transparency, full acouuntability and we need to start rebuilding that trust.”

McCrimmon is calling for a judicial inquiry to independently establish how seven Toronto police officers were allegedly corrupted.

Ford, however, suggested he didn’t believe there was a broader problem to investigate.

“I love our police,” he told reporters. “Do we have a few bad actors? Yeah, they’re bad actors, they’re going to be held accountable, sure as I’m standing here. It’s an ongoing police investigation.”

&copy 2026 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.

WASHINGTON — With the last remaining Israeli hostage finally returned home, the real work of rebuilding Gaza is now beginning, US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee exclusively told The Post.

“It’s just now really starting to take hold. Things will start moving much more rapidly now that the hostages are back,” he said. “Quite frankly, the Israelis were in no mood to start building a new life for people in Gaza until Hamas was finally held responsible for the last of the hostages.”

Israel on Jan. 26 recovered Israeli police officer Ran Gvili’s body, which Hamas had taken to Gaza after killing him on Oct. 7, 2023. With that final return, Huckabee said, Gaza is entering a new and daunting phase: the slow, incremental resurrection of a territory left in “absolute ruins” after years of war.

“This isn’t going to be an event; it’s going to be a process,” he said. “People will begin to move out of areas that are really dangerous — the red zones — into the green zones. Housing is being constructed. Utilities will be restored.”

Materials and now flowing into the territory with the first steps involving the installation of pre-fabricated homes “so people can start a new life and maybe have a future in Gaza,” he said.

“People will be able to access not just housing, but utilities that work — rebuilding a society pretty much from the rubble of a war that never should have lasted this long,” he said.

“Rebuilding from scratch”

Huckabee cautioned that the rebuild won’t be an overnight fix; the extent of the destruction could stretch out the timeline — especially depending on global commitment and funding.

“We’re talking years,” Huckabee said. “It could be two, three years. It could be 10 years. A lot of it depends on how many nations actually step up.”

Oversight of Gaza’s reconstruction will fall to a technocratic governing committee tasked with the gritty, real-world work of restoring Gaza’s infrastructure.

“This is the heavy lifting,” Huckabee said. “Electricity. Water. Sewer. Roads. Cell towers. Internet. These are not political appointees looking for an office and a badge — these are people with real skills who know how to make things work.”

Most of the technocrats, he said, will come from Arab and Muslim states in the region, chosen for technical expertise rather than politics.

“If you’re rebuilding a society from scratch, you need people who actually know how to run things,” Huckabee said. “You need people who can build sewer systems, water systems, power grids, communications networks.”

The committee falls under President Trump’s international “Board of Peace,” which Huckabee said is focused more on the funding and enforcement of standards. To date, the board’s members include 25 member states — but European Union countries have so far refused to sign on.

“I find it interesting that some of the nations that criticized Israel the most — saying they weren’t doing enough humanitarian work — you’d be hard pressed to find them doing the heavy lifting right now,” Huckabee said. “A lot of them have talked. They haven’t walked.”

A central responsibility of the group will be ensuring Hamas or other extremist networks do not infiltrate the reconstruction effort — whether through aid groups, contractors, or payrolls.

“You’ve got to make sure the people getting paychecks and doing the rebuilding don’t have ties to terrorists,” he said. “Israel has been through too much to be careless about that.”

Beyond rebuilding streets and buildings, Huckabee said Gaza must undergo a deeper transformation — including a complete overhaul of an education system he said has fueled hatred for decades.

“Education will be restored to something that no longer incites children to hate Jews or want to kill them,” he said. “That’s been part of the curriculum in Gaza for over 20 years. That’s got to stop. And it’s going to stop.”

A brighter future

Looking ahead, Huckabee pointed to Jared Kushner’s ambitious vision of transforming Gaza’s Mediterranean coastline into a thriving economic and tourism hub — a future he said investors are beginning to take more seriously as stability improves.

“People have scoffed at that vision,” Huckabee said. “But we’re in a very different place than we were a month ago. A year from now, we’re going to be in a much better place.”

He argued Gaza’s collapse was not inevitable — saying it could have become a Middle Eastern success story decades ago if not for Hamas’ grip on power.

“Gaza could have been Singapore,” Huckabee said. “Instead, they turned it into Haiti.”

To underscore the scale of Hamas’ militarization, he described Gaza as small in size but hollowed out by terror infrastructure beneath the surface.

“All of Gaza is about the size of Las Vegas,” Huckabee said. “And underneath it is a tunnel system larger than the London Underground — more than 500 miles — not to get kids to school or people to hospitals, but to shelter terror activity and hide hostages.”

Much of that underground tunnel system was destroyed in the war — along with most everything that sat above it outside of Gaza City, making the rebuild process exceedingly daunting.

“We’re rebuilding a society pretty much from the rubble of a war that never should have lasted this long,” Huckabee said, placing full responsibility for the war’s length on Hamas dragging out the conflict.

“I hope people never forget why this lasted this long,” he said. “It lasted this long because Hamas refused to let the hostages go. They held on and held on — killing people, torturing people, raping hostages, starving hostages.”

But with the war’s end and hostages now home, Huckabee said Gaza’s rebuild is finally moving in the right direction.

“It’s a gargantuan undertaking,” he said. “But we are in a better place than we were a week ago, two weeks ago, a month ago — and it’s moving forward.”

When soil testing machines were first rolled out on Eglinton Avenue around 2008 to prepare for a potential light rail line, local business owner Anita Dimitrijevic found them “pretty scary.”

But they were only the start. Work on the Eglinton Crosstown LRT would continue until early this year, spanning political parties, governments, construction firms and local mayors.

For more than 15 years, the key east-west road entered a funk, where local businesses closed, traffic snarled and the transit project at the centre of it struggled from one controversy to another.

Dimitrijevic’s business, Di Moda European Lingerie, is one of many along the route now ready to emerge blinking from the construction chaos when the Eglinton Crosstown LRT officially launches on Sunday.

They are ready for the prosperity the new transit line promised.

“Access to the area was more difficult, parking was limited. Many customers assumed that the whole street was closed and as a small boutique, we really rely on foot traffic,” Dimitrijevic told Global News.

“Seeing the LRT finally open feels like a reward, and we would like to enjoy that reward. We are expecting that our community will change. We’re expecting more people, we’re expecting more movement, more accessibility, more connections.”

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The idea of a major transit line on Eglinton Avenue predates even Dimitrijevic’s business, which has been in the area for 21 years. But it was former Toronto mayor David Miller’s Transit City vision in 2007 that breathed life into the plan.

Miller secured provincial funding for his plan to build light rail along Eglinton Avenue from the provincial government.

“It was our proposal, for the most part our design — our being the City of Toronto and the TTC — and we secured the funding,” Miller told Global News.

Then, his successor at city hall, Rob Ford, came to power in 2010 and scrapped the plan. Instead, he proposed an underground version of the route, kicking off years of debate and chaos.

Despite the wrangling at city hall, the route ended up being agreed upon in the image Miller had imagined, and it began to move forward. The TTC, however, was forced to release control of the plan, which would be led by the newly-created provincial transit agency Metrolinx.

Miller said taking control away from Toronto’s transit agency, which is accountable to residents, was a mistake. It made the Eglinton Crosstown LRT an Ontario-wide political hot potato.

“I’m very sad that provincial interference meant a decade delay and had some other pretty negative consequences, including massive cost overruns,” he said. “I’m angry about that, frankly. But it’s pretty exciting to have been there at the inception.”

The line was beset by lawsuits and delays, missing its target opening date. By 2023, it was three years delayed and Metrolinx had stopped even trying to predict when it might open to the public.

That dynamic continued until December 2025, when the provincial transit agency finally accepted the Eglinton Crosstown LRT as complete and handed it to the TTC. The TTC then took its time assessing the line itself, eventually confirming it would open on Sunday, Feb. 8.

Miller said, despite the long and winding road, it would be a momentous day for Toronto.

“It’s massively frustrating how long it’s taken. And I think people should be justifiably angry,” he said.

“But people should also be really pleased that we finally have rapid transit across an incredibly important avenue in Toronto. That connects so many neighbourhoods, rich and low-income people, into the fabric of the life of the city. It’s pretty exciting.”

That excitement is beginning to bubble along Eglinton Avenue, where the potential of easy access is being relished by businesses.

“It’s only been 15 years, it’s a very exciting day. And we’re excited that this project is moving forward,” Maureen Sirois of Vicky’s Jewellery, and president of the Eglinton Way BIA, told Global News.

“Now we’re optimistic. Our street’s looking great, it’s going to look greater, and people are going to be able to access all these neighbourhoods on Eglinton.”

&copy 2026 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.

Toronto police knew it had a trust issue before seven serving officers were charged as part of an organized crime investigation.

A study completed by the police services board last year found public trust in the force was “strained,” with many concerned about misconduct and the uneven application of standards.

“From the public, we heard similar concerns about mistrust, systemic bias, and a lack of visible accountability,” part of a lengthy study found.

“Repeated incidents of misconduct and social media narratives reinforce skepticism, especially among youth and newcomer communities.”

Those concerns spiralled into a crisis on Thursday, when York Regional Police announced they had charged seven serving Toronto cops in a massive corruption and organized crime investigation.

The charges included allegedly leaking police information to an organized crime group that then carried out shootings, exortions and robberies. Other charges relate to alleged bribery.

Those charges have left police leadership in the difficult position of trying to explain and investigate what happened.

Global News crime analyst Hank Idsinga said the force had a lot of work left to rebuild already fragile public trust.

“I think you’ve got a lot of questions, I think you’ve got a lot of questions that haven’t been answered yet,” he said.

“Toronto, what the heck is going on down there? Especially if you take into consideration everything that has happened over the last few years in this city.”

Idsinga pointed out that, if the charges against the officers are proven, it could cast doubt on testimony they’d provided in other cases, potentially opening up a stream of appeals.

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“Maybe they’re involved in an armed robbery investigation from five or six years ago. And if they were a key witness to that armed robbery investigation and somebody was convicted and is doing jail time,” he said.

“I guarantee the defence lawyer from that case is going to look at that list of officers here involved and say, ‘Hold on a second, the credibility of this officer who was a key witness when my client was convicted is absolutely in question. I’m filing an appeal.’”

Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow told reporters Thursday she would meet with Toronto police Chief Myron Demkiw to resolve the issue.

During an event, the local police chief disavowed the accused officers, saying their alleged actions did not represent the service.

“The allegations against these individuals do not represent the Toronto Police Service,” Demkiw said. “They do not represent who you are. They do not represent what our organization is and stands for.”

Ian Scott, the former director of the Special Investigations Unit, said police had taken a “big step” in announcing the arrests and accepting there was a problem.

“But to some degree they are fighting a bit of a rear-guard action,” he explained. “The misconduct and alleged criminal offences have taken place, and they’re trying to put Humpty Dumpty back together again.”

There are those who say neither Demkiw, nor the police services board, nor the mayor can lead any investigation into how seven Toronto police officers were allegedly corrupted.

Ontario Liberal MPP Karen McCrimmon said the charges had shattered confidence in Toronto police — leaving the force at a delicate crossroads.

“These are very, very serious charges and it really does strike at the heart of the relationship between the police and the constituents. That trust and that bond,” she told Global News.

“I think this is very, very dangerous.”

McCrimmon said the provincial government must order a judicial inquiry into Toronto police and the officers to rebuild trust. Any investigation that isn’t open to the public, she said, would fall short.

“It’s not as important for justice to be done if it’s not seen to be done; it has to be both. It has to be fully accountable to the people and they have to have trust in the process so it can’t be manipulated,” McCrimmon said.

“For a full judicial inquiry, you’re before a judge and lawyers, there are guardrails … you know that the outcome is real. It’s valid, it’s legitimate. Anything else done behind closed doors or done informally will not have that same credibility with people.”

A spokesperson for Ontario’s Solicitor General Michael Kerzner did not address questions and said only local police would answer them.

Premier Doug Ford appeared to brush off the suggestion, saying the investigation would be well-handled by local cops.

“The investigation is ongoing, so they’re going to continue their investigation,” he said on Wednesday. “I feel both chiefs are doing an incredible job, and they’re going to cross every ‘t’ and dot every ‘i.’”

Ford said the arrest of seven serving officers in a massive organized crime investigation should not shake public confidence.

“I don’t want to paint a broad brush or tarnish the police,” he said.

“We have phenomenal police officers … I don’t want the pubic to lose trust in our great trust, they are incredible. There’s always, (in) any organization, a few bad apples and the courts are going to decide.”

&copy 2026 Global News, a division of Corus Entertainment Inc.

Ms Cane was given two tickets to the Newmarket July Festival from the Jockey Club worth an estimated £800 altogether

An MP has apologised after failing to declare she had received hospitality from the Jockey Club when she asked Government departments about the impact of increased gambling taxes on horse racing.

Charlotte Cane, Liberal Democrat MP for Ely and East Cambridgeshire, apologised to Commons Deputy Speaker Caroline Noakes and MPs after failing to say she had attended the Newmarket July Festival as a guest of the Jockey Club.

The Jockey Club is the largest commercial horse racing organisation in the UK. It owns the country’s best known racecourses, including Aintree, home of the Grand National, and Cheltenham, which hosts the annual festival in March. It also owns the July course at Newmarket, near Ms Cane’s constituency.

Months after she got hospitality tickets from the group, she asked the Treasury and Department for Culture, Media and Sport about the potential impact of the harmonisation of gambling tax rates on the horse racing industry. She also asked the Treasury what discussions it had had with stakeholders in the horse racing industry before the Government’s consultation on gambling taxes was launched.

Ms Cane told the Commons on Thursday: “I would like to apologise to the House for failing to declare an interest, when tabling three Parliamentary written questions to the Treasury, and one question to the Department for Culture, Media and Sport.

“When I tabled these questions, I inadvertently failed to declare a relevant interest, the receipt of hospitality from the Jockey Club. This was in breach of the rules, and I apologise to the House for this error.”

Her questions came amid mounting speculation that the Government was due to hike gambling taxes and introduce a single rate of online gambling taxes. There were concerns it could rise from 15% to 21%.

However, Chancellor Rachel Reeves later announced an exemption from gambling tax rises for the horse racing industry and it would stay at 15%.

The MPs’ register of interests showed Ms Cane was given two tickets worth an estimated £800 altogether. They included a buffet lunch and drinks.

She had added them to her register of interests, but did not declare them when she asked questions of the Government departments.

The federal government is ordering public servants to be in the office at least four days a week starting this summer, with executives expected to return to the office full time in May.

A Treasury Board message to deputy department heads published Thursday said executives will have to work on-site five days per week starting May 4. All other employees must be in the office four days a week as of July 6.

The directive applies to public servants working in the core departments and agencies under Treasury Board, though the government said other federal agencies, which would include the Canada Revenue Agency and the Canadian Food Inspection Agency, are “strongly encouraged” to take a similar approach.

Remote work rules have been an ongoing issue in the public service since COVID-19 forced most federal workers to work remotely in 2020. After public health restrictions began to ease, the federal government moved in 2023 to have workers return to the office two to three days a week.

The current rule, in place since September 2024, requires public servants to work a minimum of three days a week in-office, with executives in office four days per week.
Thursday’s order updates that rule.

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“The Government has put forward ambitious plans to deliver on priorities for Canadians and to strengthen our country,” said the Treasury Board message. “Working together onsite is an essential foundation of the strong teams, collaboration and culture needed during this pivotal moment and beyond.”

2:03
Return-to-office rules for public servants set to kick in. What to know

The message was signed by Treasury Board secretary Bill Matthews, chief human resources officer Jacqueline Bogden and associate chief human resources officer Francis Trudel.

It said the government will engage with unions to implement the plan, with discussions to focus on issues like assigned seating and occupational health and safety.

The message also said Public Services and Procurement Canada will work closely with departments to ensure there is enough office space for all employees.

Sean O’Reilly, president of the Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada, told The Canadian Press he finds the government’s decision “insulting and disrespectful.”

“I would like to say I was surprised but I’m not,” said O’Reilly, who was made aware of the move less than an hour before the message went out to employees. “I’m really beside myself on just why the decision is being made now.”

O’Reilly said he’s skeptical about the discussions the government will have with bargaining agents, adding that his union will be “vocal” about the issue and push back on the government.

“I don’t know how this helps the Government of Canada. It doesn’t save them money. This doesn’t increase productivity,” he said. “I don’t see how this helps my members or how it helps the Canadian people.”

The message to employees said more information will be shared “in due course.”

&copy 2026 The Canadian Press

Before the release of the recent James L. Brooks film Ella McCay, film fans on social media operating (as they tend to do) somewhere between genuine fandom and irony-poisoned wiseassery, extolled people to take the “Ella McCay challenge,” namely posing next to the poster for the film and imitating star Emma Mackey (yes, Emma Mackey IS Ella McCay) adjusting her shoe mid-stride.

They might have tried something less specific; the true Ella McCay challenge, it turned out, was getting anyone to show up at a theater playing Ella McCay. The film is about the title character unexpectedly ascending to the office of governor (“of the state you were born and raised in,” unnamed) after her boss (Albert Brooks) vacates the job for a cabinet position. In other words, it was never expected to be a holiday blockbuster. But it nonetheless still felt like yet another blow to the idea of grown-up movies playing in movie theaters when, during the most lucrative several weeks of the box office year, Ella McCay not only became the lowest-grossing new wide release of December but made less money than fellow 2025 releases The Alto Knights, A Big Bold Beautiful Journey, or (most damning) The Weeknd’s insane vanity project Hurry Up Tomorrow. Two of those three got significantly better reviews, too.

Now that Ella McCay is arriving on Hulu, viewers will have the chance to take the challenge at home. (Maybe they can adjust their slipper midstride?) Nearly anyone streaming it will find that certain criticisms of the film ring absolutely true. First and foremost: James L. Brooks, who was an ’70s sitcom titan via The Mary Tyler Moore Show and Taxi, an ’80s Oscar darling with Terms of Endearment and Broadcast News, and a ’90s shepherd of blockbusters in both cinema (As Good As It Gets) and TV (The Simpsons), does not have any of that juice in the 2020s, unless you count The Simpsons still being on and sometimes good.

Brooks seems to recognize this, too. He sets Ella McCay in late 2008, which his narrator (Julie Kavner) describes with wry knowingness as a time when people liked each other more. Uh, maybe. Which people, Jim? He doesn’t exactly name names, because despite the movie explicitly taking place during the 2008 financial crisis and cabinet-appointment season (which is to say, in the wake of the presidential election), the names “Barack Obama,” “John McCain,” or “George W. Bush” are not so much as obliquely alluded to, nevermind actually uttered. “Financial crisis” and different-styled phones are just about all you get for that ’08 feeling. The barely-subtext is that it’s set at this time because Brooks could still make sense of the world in 2008, which makes sense; after all, that was a full two years before his 2010 movie How Do You Know bombed expensively at the box office and presumably knocked some wind out of him.

The 2008 setting also allows flashbacks to Ella’s teenage years to get closer to the Brooks heyday, in the early 1990s. This would be especially convenient if any of the flashback scenes were a good idea. Instead, they have Mackey unconvincingly playing a 17-year-old in multiple scenes of hoary psychological baggage, where we learn that Ella has been let down by her philandering father (Woody Harrelson), bereaved by the death of her beloved mother (Rebecca Hall, clocking in for a single scene), and partially raised by her outspoken aunt (Jamie Lee Curtis, sometimes overdoing it). We also meet Ella’s younger brother Casey (Spike Fearn in his adult years) who later inexplicably shares a long scene with his ex-girlfriend Susan (Ayo Edebiri), a distracting break from Ella’s vantage point and a subplot that is abruptly dropped well before the movie ends.

Yes, it’s safe to say that Brooks, at the age of 85, is only slightly more convincing as a chronicler of urbane and anxious young people than Woody Allen. It’s also safe to say that against many odds, with an underdog scrappiness worthy of Governor McCay herself, Ella McCay is actually pretty charming. That is, Ella McCay herself is charming, because Emma Mackey gives what might be considered a superhuman performance in making her part seem playable at all.

The best decision Brooks makes is to build a movie about a character who plays a bit like the woman Lisa Simpson could only grow into through her show’s many what-if future-set episodes. Ella is wonky, policy-focused, serious-minded, earnest as hell, and, in classic (as well as less-than-classic) Brooks fashion, has to do a lot of thinking aloud that only superficially involves other people. Mackey plays these qualities with the slightly frazzled confidence of a screwball professional, even though the movie talks itself pretty far afield from the genuine screwball delight it could have been. Often, the movie feels like a political comedy from 1946 talking itself down from farce.

Brooks characters talk in circles without necessarily realizing they do; sometimes I’m not even sure if Brooks realizes it. It can make his movies, especially his later-period stuff, seem weirdly uneventful; in the often funny How Do You Know, half the story is predicated on the Paul Rudd character getting in legal trouble that he doesn’t understand and most of the characters refuse to explain to him. Rather than a genuine dilemma, it feels like the movie is stalling for time. Ella McCay also feels like it’s running out the clock, though at least it’s for more thematically appropriate reasons, as a scandal threatens to derail Ella’s governorship before it’s begun. (That’s another reason Brooks must have wanted to jump back to 2008; the notion that this movie’s scandal involving Ella, uh, having sex with her husband could move the needle in any way does not track nearly two decades later. In a weird way, it comes across like Brooks is a bit nostalgic for what used to look like intransigence regarding sex. This may or may not have something to do with a truly bizarre post-coital shot of Ella where she appears to be wearing a scarf or a blanket around her neck.)

But! But!!! The relationship between Ella and her prickly mentor “Governor Bill” retains some of the old-fashioned Brooks good-sitcom zing, and the movie’s take on familial forgiveness has a tartness that most comedy-dramas would never touch. Moreover, this is Mackey’s movie, as she overthinks her way toward making the whole thing feel somewhat less like it was designed by space aliens intent on quietly destroying the reputation of the state Ella was born and raised in. Not for nothing, but I took my ten-year-old daughter to this movie – it was a Christmas-movie compromise (or, per Ella’s preferred terminology, consensus) between her refusal to see Song Sung Blue and my wife’s refusal to see a SpongeBob – and she was able to lock into this talky, apolitically political comedy-drama, with a rootable heroine and some funny moments of relatable neuroses. Families used to see movies like this together all the time, I think! It’s hard to remember. 2008 was a long time ago, much less 1995. I’m not sure where exactly Ella McCay wound up taking me, but I was happy to take the challenge of being whisked away to whatever state it was born and raised in.

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How To Watch Ella McCay

If you’re new to Hulu, you can get started with a 30-day free trial on the streamer’s basic (with ads) plan. After the trial period, you’ll pay $10.99/month. If you want to upgrade to Hulu ad-free, it costs $18.99/month.

If you want to stream even more and save a few bucks a month while you’re at it, we recommend subscribing to one of the Disney+ Bundles, all of which include Hulu. These bundles start at $12.99/month for ad-supported Disney+ and Hulu and goes up to $32.99/month for Disney+, Hulu, and Max, all ad-free.

Jesse Hassenger (@rockmarooned) is a writer living in Brooklyn. He’s a regular contributor to The A.V. Club, Polygon, and The Week, among others. He podcasts at www.sportsalcohol.com, too.

Stream Ella McCay on Hulu